You are here

July 28, 2011

In this Section

From the Department of Fame Is Fleeting, for about three years in the early 1950s, the name ‘Harvey Matusow’ was of the household variety. Beginning in the late 1940s, Harvey went from Army veteran to Communist party member to FBI informant to special investigator on youth communism for Senator Joseph McCarthy. In that capacity he managed to ruin around 200 lives by lying under oath about peoples’ ties to the Communist Party of the USA. For instance, Matusow’s testimony against Pete Seeger got the legendary folk singer blacklisted, even as his band the Weavers’ recording of “Wimoweh” climbed to the Billboard top ten list.

No one was safe from the smear of Harvey’s broad brush, and Antioch College was no exception. At the time that its president Douglas McGregor had provided testimony to the Ohio House Un-American Activities Committee, Matusow had provided his own. That hearing, conducted about three months prior to McGregor’s, is concerned primarily with the use of folk music as a tool of Communist indoctrination at the time, despite the fact that the Party itself had abandoned the strategy even before the Second World War. Within this testimony is a letter from Barry Hollister, Antioch College class of 1936 and then a member of McGregor’s staff, which reiterates the College’s educational policy to expose its students to the widest possible range of opinion.


HARVEY M. MATUSOW, being first duly sworn, testified as follows:

That his name was Harvey M. Matusow, a citizen of he United States, having derived his citizenship by birth. He was born in Bronx County, New York City, October 3, 1926. He attended public and high school in the city of New York. He also attended college in France at Biarritz University set up by the United States Army, and the City College of New York for a year and a half in 1946 and 1947. He entered the Armed Services in 1944 and served in the Infantry in the European Theatre of Operations, being discharged in 1946 then entered the Air Force in February of 951 and was released from active duty in December, 1951. He is a member of the Air Force Reserve.


MR. ISAACS: I will ask you now, are you at the present time a member of the Communist Party?

THE WITNESS: I am not.

Q. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?

A. Yes.

Q. Will you state the circumstances and the time of your becoming affiliated with the Communist Party?

A. Yes. I first joined the Communist Party itself in October of 1947, but prior to that, either in September or October of 1946, I joined the American Youth of Democracy. I was a returning veteran as many people were, and wasn't too sure of my footing when I got out of the service. I hadn't done anything previous to entering military service. A group of friends, people I had gone to school with, approached me with some ideas about social reform. They used this pamphlet that I have here called “Who Ruptured Our Duck?” put out by the veteran's commission of the Communist Party. This particular one was distributed by the Dayton Communist Party, Box 582, Dayton, Ohio. Some of the material in it shows the Communist approach to veterans. The headings are, “What About Jobs?” “What About a Place to Live?,” “What About High Prices?,” “Who Are We and Who Say These Things?,” “Communist Veterans Have the Answers.”

Q. When did you first become affiliated with the American Youth for Democracy?

A. In October, 1946.

Q. Will you state briefly what is the nature or character of the organization, the American Youth for Democracy?

A. The American Youth for Democracy, known as the AYD, was set up in 1943 by the former Young Communist League. The same peop1e who h ad been officers in the Young Communist League were also officers and members of the American Youth for Democracy. One Vince Pieri, who is now the Ohio organizer for the Labor Youth League, was at that time co-chairman of the national AYD. I have here a pub1ication of the AYD which I received when I joined. It has in it a picture of Vince Pieri. He was a member of the Communist Party Young Communist League.

Many people such as Lou Diskind, Leon Wofsy, and Joe Bucholt were just a few of the people active in the Communist Party and officers of the Young Communist League. They set up the American Youth for Democracy in 1943. It was, as the Communist Party termed it, a part of their “class collaboration.” Later, during the period of the Earl Browder leadership in the Communist Party, they decided that they might have been too militant. They needed a broad youth organization, one that could capture and get as members those youths who did not want to affiliate with the Communist Party itself.

Q. Was the American Youth for Democracy the stepping stone by which you acquired your membership in the Communist Party?

A. That is right.

Q. What was the AYD program in general at the time you became a member?

A. The program of the AYD, though it did not state, “We are a Marxist-Leninist youth organization” did imp1y that in its program. The fight against Universal Military Training was one of the key topics. They used the membership of the AYD to get letters and petitions sent to members of the Congress and State Legislature against UMT. Another fight was the fight to save the OPA at that time. Also a fight for housing for veterans. The question of no discrimination, F.E.P.C., etc., all those terms were very attractive to the young veteran getting out of the service. I say they used those terms but whether they were sincere in their efforts is another story.

Q. How did your membership in the AYD and your affiliation with that organization eventually take you into the Communist Party itself?

A. At my first meeting of the AYD, I was sold a subscription to the Sunday Worker, the week-end edition of the Daily Worker. That was part of the indoctrination. Beside the Sunday Worker and Daily Worker they distributed many leaflets and pamphlets. One was written by the chairman of the American Communist Party. It told about his trip to Europe. Another was “Task of Youth” by Joseph Stalin. I would like to take a passage out of “Young Generation”, used in our education in the AYD, to show why the Communist Party centered its activities around the youth, and did set up a broad non-Marxist, as they said, youth organization which would not tie the young people down to a Communist organization as soon as they joined. The Communists have recognized that if young people don't have their energies channeled along Communist lines, or if they work through other organizations, they will do damage to the Communist Party.

Q. Are these two booklets, one by Stalin and one by Lenin, still active as Party literature?

A. Yes, they are current.

Q. Will you trace further the steps by which you were eventually transferred from affiliation with the AYD to the Communist Party itself?

A. As I stated, the AYD was a Communist-front organization. Not all members of the AYD were members of the Communist Party, but 95 percent of the club leadership in the AYD, of the county and state and national leadership, were members of the Communist Party. There was no attempt to conceal the tie up between the AYD and the Party itself.

Q. Were you aware from the very outset that the AYD was a Communist organization?

A. In a sense, yes. It didn't make too much difference to me at that time. The AYD had Communist leadership. They would get some young person, as my own case at the time, capitalize on that person weakness and indoctrinate them. Most persons do have a weakness of some sort or another. My weakness happened to be no job and not knowing where I was going together with a desire for intellectual stimulation The AYD offered that. Once they had intrenched themselves in that one weakness, they will go on and indoctrinate you in other things.

Q. What was your employment at that time?

A. In late 1946 and early 1947, I was working in an advertising agency in New York affiliated with the United Office and Professional Workers Union, Advertisers Guild, at that time an affiliate of the C.I.O. but it has since been expelled. The advertisers Guild was never successful, I might say, but it did attempt to organize the larger advertising agencies. The main reason for that was to get as many Communist Party members as possible in key positions, such as copywriters and art directors, so they could influence to some extent the material that went into national advertising.

Q. How did you eventually actually become a member of the Communist Party?

A. Well, the Party members in the AYD suggested that during the summer I spend my vacation at Camp Unity in upstate New York, that it was a Communist Summer Camp, and that a good time could be had by all. It was in the last week of August, I believe, just before the Labor Day weekend that I went up there for an AYD week-end. Every week had a different name. One was AYD week. Another week may have been Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade week or something like that. During this AYD week, I was contacted by a number of Party organizers and subsequently recruited into the Party. That was two or three weeks after my return from Camp Unity.

Q. Now you have stated, and I want to repeat at this time, one of the national co-chairmen of the AYD you identified as Vincent Pieri. You also stated that this Vincent Pieri whose picture you have shown us is at the present time the new Ohio director of the Labor Youth League, is that correct?

A. That is right. Pieri is considered to be one of the top organizers in the youth movement. He has held many key positions in the Communist youth movement. In 1946, he was co-chairman of the AYD. When I first met Pieri I was State Literature Director of the Labor Youth League in New York and he was on the executive committee. He was their trade union secretary and responsible for organizing Labor Youth League chapters in various unions and industries. In line with the Party's move to the key and basic industries, Pieri was selected for the job as Ohio organizer as the State of Ohio does have many of the basic industries in the United States.

Q. You stated that prior to the time you actually got into the Communist Party, you took part in AYD picket lines and the like. Is that a well-established function of the AYD, or was it at that time, the participation in picket lines?

A. Yes, in support of any Communist-dominated union strike. One department store in New York during that period was under-going a little trouble due to a strike by the Distributor Workers Union, Local 65. The AYD received instructions on a specific Saturday to go down to the store, go through the picket line and disrupt all the sales personnel; that is, 150 or 200 young people going into the store and trying on clothing, breaking toys, and preventing sales personnel from waiting on any legitimate customers. Through that effort, the volume of the store's business did drop. We were complimented because it was through our efforts that the store finally broke and the union contract was signed.

Q. Now, was the activity on the picket line, and the excitement that that incident furnished, a lure to additional youth to join the AYD?

A. Yes it was. AYD had another aspect to it which was the cultural aspect. It was through an organization called “People’s Songs.” Upon my return from Camp Unity and when I joined the Communist Party, I was active in the successful attempt to organize a Bronx chapter of “People’s Songs.” They had many chapters, an Ohio chapter in Cleveland, one in Illinois, Indiana, Colorado, California, New Mexico, etc.

One of the examples of how folk music, or songs, were used on the picket lines to keep up the spirit and political agitation is in this picture from one of the New York papers showing students at a City College of New York student strike. The strike was moving slowly, and one of the AYD groups—the Folksay group—organized singing sessions and kept the spirit of the strike moving and so prolonged the strike.

I have here a song book that they used and distributed on picket lines. At times they would make up word sheets on certain songs and use them for singing on picket lines. This book is put out by “People’s Songs, Inc.”, at that time 235 E. 11 Street, in New York. Many legitimate folk songs are included. I think it important to state that the people who like folk music are not Communists but the Party has recognized that many people do have a liking and love for folk music and square dancing. They have taken that one point and used it in some instances to get across their political indoctrination.

This book starts off with the “Star Spangled Banner”, and the second one is “Jefferson in Liberty”, an earlier song. The third one is the state song of State of Washington called “Acres of Plains.” Another is from Illinois, “The Farmer is the Man.” There is a song written by Earl Robinson. I later learned he was a member of the Communist Party. The song is “Joe Hill,” and tells the story of a union organizer who was killed. Then they sang the old American traditional “Clementine,” and instead of the legitimate words, sing, "Oh my darling Clementine, be a shrewd one, join the union, be a smart one, Clementine.” They have “Casey Jones” but Casey Jones was a scab to them and couldn't get to heaven because he was scabbing on the S.P. line. The angels got together and said it wasn't fair for Casey Jones to go scabbing everywhere “The angel s from the S. P. were there and they promptly fired Casey down the golden stair.”

Q. You are making a point here, and I think you might dwell on it a little more, that the use of folk singing and folk songs by the Communist Party in no way implies that there is anything communistic about folk singing. And that it is merely a means by which the Communist Party will attract people to their meetings and to their fund drives. Is that correct?

A. That is right. They use people such as the Weavers, a folk singing group that was scheduled to sing at the Ohio State Fair last summer. Through their popularity and appeal to young people, the Weavers get these same young people to go to what they call a "Hootenanny"—a political folk singing session—where they integrate politics with legitimate folk songs. When these people get to a Hootenanny, it would be the responsibility of people like me to get hold of them, and see that they take home a piece of Party or AYD literature and invite them to a meeting. We would say, “Pete Seeger will be at this meeting Saturday night, and he will entertain.” If that person likes folk music he will come to the meeting.

At one meeting, sponsored by the Communist Party on the lower East Side of New York, Pete Seeger was the entertainer. After he finished his songs, most of them in Spanish for the Puerto Ricans, a man made a rabble-rousing speech and we had 35 new members for the Communist Party.

Q. You have mentioned the Weavers. Since the Weavers were scheduled to appear at the Ohio State 'Pair and their contract was terminated before they appeared, and in view of the fact that the Weavers have recently appeared in Cleveland and in Akron, will you identify the Weavers to a little greater extent?

A. The individuals who comprise the Weavers group are Pete Seeger, Lee Hays, Freddy Hellerman, and Ronnie Gilbert. I have sat in closed meetings with those people. Lee Hays was not a member of the Communist Party at that time. He had dropped out. In his capacity as a non-Communist Party member, he was one of the original editors of the Philadelphia edition of the Sunday Worker. While he was still not a Party member, Lee Hays did a great deal of work for the Communist Party cultural movement. He wrote a number of songs for them, some skits, and had a number of stories published.

Q. Of what significance is the fact that the Weavers, according to your testimony, are for the most part members of the Communist Party? What effect does that have on their singing or musical ability?

A. It is the integrating of Communist or political songs in their program. I have seen the Weavers at night clubs and various affairs where they were supposedly just entertaining. They might sing, “On Top of Old Smokey,” a popular song, and one of the bestsellers. After that they might sing one of the songs of the Spanish Communist Party written during the days of the Spanish Civil War. Their great popularity was as recording artists. That was used to attract many young people to the movement because they respected the Weavers and thought they were good singers and entertainers. The bobbysoxers go for that. Once the young people were at the affair, the Communist Party organizer took over. He had a good chance to recruit many of the young people.

Beside “Irene, Good Night,” they had a song they had been singing for quite a while and made them popular. It was a song written by Woody Guthrie, member of the Communist Party. The song was “So Long It's Been Good to Know You.” They just changed a few of the words in the song which was originally a dust bowl ballad. Now that wouldn't have recruited anybody into the Communist Party, but when you think of the royalties and money that came in from records of that song, and entertainments, and consider the fact that every Communist is pledged to give at least two weeks salary a year to the Party, you can see it has been quite a help to the Communist Party coffers.

The Weavers and other similar musical organizations were also used to attract people to party fund-raising affairs. An ad might appear in the Daily Worker or in a New York paper. It might read, “Come hear the Weavers.” Or, “Come hear Huddy Ledbetter;” or Woody Guthrie, a well-known folk singer. The meeting might be sponsored by some front organization: Council of American Soviet Friendship, Civil Rights Congress, etc. After the Weavers, or somebody else had finished singing, a man would get up on the platform and solicit money from the audience. The money went into the Party as well as the admission fund, and funds derived from the sale of Party literature. Not all who went to the parties were Communists, but many of them were.

Q. You stated that musical organizations of this type were used to attract crowds so that Party organizers could actually recruit people from those crowds into the Communist Party?

A. Yes. Here in Ohio in 1948, during the Progressive Party election campaign, a group called Wallace Caravans were members of the People’s Songs and Cultural Division of the Communist Party. Wallace Caravans was organized as an arm of the Progressive Party. It consisted of two or three singers, a comedian, dancer, etc. They would start out in a station wagon, or a couple of cars, and head for Youngstown, Akron, or Cleveland; stop in front of some shop gate at 6 o’clock in the morning when they were changing shifts. They would put on a skit and then distribute Wallace literature in an attempt to get votes.

Q. What knowledge did you have of the Weavers?

A. At one time the Weavers had five members. One was a Miss Hope Foy who has since left them. She was one of the people who went to the Communist-sponsored World Youth Festival in Eastern Berlin in 1951. After the festival she was one of the delegates who went to Moscow. She has since returned to the United States.

Right after the election campaign in 1948, members of the group, who were later to call themselves the Weavers, found that money wasn't coming in so fast and the Progressive Party wasn’t supporting them as they had. Pete Seeger and Fred Hellerman used to get together in the basement of Pete's home and hold jam sessions every two or three nights. One night Lee Hays suggested they form a singing group and get at least one woman in it as they didn't want to be accused of being male supremists. They said they should get a Negro woman so as not to be called White Chauvinists, so they got Hope Foy.

Q. Will you describe what the organization known as People’s Songs was, and what was its relation to the Communist Party?

A. All full-time employees of People’s Songs were members of the Communist Party. Their executive director, a man named Irvin Silber, was the sectional organizer of the Communist Party while serving in the capacity of executive director of People’s Songs. I was a full-time employee of People’s Songs, and a member of the Communist Party, and had occasion to know that. The organization was not infiltrated by the Communist Party; it was set up by them. There is a difference between a legitimate group the Communists get into and an organization actually set up by the Communist Party. People’s Songs was of the second category. There was a man named Bernie Asbel who worked first out of New York and then Chicago. One of the notations in the People’s Songs Bulletin in 1946 shows a map of an Ohio trip taken by Bernie Asbel stating he held meetings in Cleveland, Oberlin, Dayton, Nelsonville, and Logan. In the August 1946 issue of the People’s Songs publication is a letter stating “Keep up the good work,” signed by Don Ornsman, Chairman, Committee for Progressive Action, Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio. Another notation was in the October 1946 issue. It told of a Hootenanny on October. 19, 1946, with Al Moss of Cleveland People’s Songs. Another notation was January 1947 which reads, “Cleveland People’s Songs Branch Organized.” It worked with Progressive Players, a group in Cleveland headed by Bryant French .and his wife Dorothy French who were affiliated with People’s Songs.

Volume II, No. 1 and 2, the first anniversary issue of March 1947 had a greeting from the Progressive Players of Cleveland at 14121 Tuckaho Avenue, Cleveland, Ohio. In June 1947 there was a letter from Dorothy French. In July and August, 1947, it tells where Mort Bauman, instructor at the Cleveland Institute of Music, had arrived in Cleveland. I knew of Mr. Bauman’s activities in New York in 1936, I believe. He made a recording of the “International”, the Communist’s song, for the Workers Library which was a Communist Party library. This recording was distributed throughout the Communist Party.

In Volume II, No.9, October 1947 there was an article on Cleveland People’s Songs with photographs of Norman Berman, who was active in People’s Songs there, and Bryant and Dorothy French, which stated that French is a college English teacher in Cleveland. Berman was an U.A.W representative. In the Apri1 1948 issue, mention is made of Don West, the former minister from Bethel, Ohio, telling of his activities in Georgia at the time. He had written a book of poetry called, “Clods of Southern Earth,” which we used in political agitation at a later period.

During the Wallace campaign, a song book was put out by People’s Songs of Cleveland. It reads, “Sing for Wallace, Peace and Progress,” published by People’s Songs, Cleveland, 1382 East 105th Street, Cleveland 16. That is the address of Jack Lencl who is a member of the Young Progressives of Ohio.

Q. Is that the same Jack Lencl who was identified in testimony before this Commission by Matthew Cvetic?

A. Yes.

Q. What other songs are in that book?

A. Here is one by a Norman Berman whom I just mentioned. It is called, “Activate for 48.”

Q. Is this individual just mentioned the Norman Berman who was jailed in connection with violence at the Fawick strike in Cleveland, Ohio?

A. The same Norman Berman, yes.

Q. You have mentioned Hootenannies. Will you explain what a hootenanny is, if you know, and how it came to be so named?

A. Nobody in People’s Songs could place the origin. Woody Guthrie used to say there was a gal in Kentucky called Annie who used to hoot and people would get together and sing. As far as the Communist Party was concerned, they used the term because it was different and had the sound of action to it. They would say, “A hootenanny is a large scale wing-ding. A wing-ding is a large scale hootenanny.” It was an excuse to get artists together at some hall or some smaller place with a group of folk singers and sing. The hootenanny had political implications also. One was “Smash the Indictment of the 12 Communist Leaders Hootenanny,” “Repeal the Taft Hartley Hootenanny,” and “Stop the Work of the Un-American Committee Hootenanny.”

Q. In addition to the folk singing, did they also use square dancing?

A. Yes. There was a group in the AYD known as the American Folksay group which met at the Fur Union, a Communist-dominated union which was expelled from the C.I.O. They met there twice a month and attracted kids from the ages of 14 to 19 mostly. They would get from two to four hundred kids down there to dance. They would get Pete Seeger to play the banjo while someone else called the square dances. They said they had the best artists to give you the music. Pete Seeger was a well-known banjo player and they would rather hear him than some unknown.

Q. I would like to point up one portion of your testimony, and correct me if my conclusions are incorrect. You are not saying, and you are not testifying, or want to give the impression that there is anything subversive or un-American about folk singing or square dancing?

A. That is correct.

Q. But those are two methods that the Communist Party uses to lure an audience to Communist Party meetings or Communist Party fund drives, or to raise money for the Communist Party?

A. That is correct.

Q. And if the Communist Party were to use ice cream and cake for that same purpose, it would be no more logical to say that ice cream and cake is un-American than it is to say that folk singing and square dancing are un-American, is that right?

A. That is right. Before going on I would like to mention Young People’s Records. Some here may have heard of the group. They started a Record of the Month Club, records for children between the ages of 3 and 12. Young People’s Records was originally set up by Horace Grenell through the Communist Party. He was a member of the Party. I might add that Young People’s Records is no longer affiliated with the Party. They have broken. When they first started, they reached into homes with subtle indoctrination of many young people through that organization.

Q. Now I believe you testified that the actual recruiting of you into the Communist Party was done after a weekend at Camp Unity. Now, will you describe the activities at Camp Unity, and explain what Camp Unity is?

A. Camp Unity is a camp in the upper part of New York State. It has about 10 or 15 acres of 1and, and a guest capacity of about 700. It has a 1arge dining hall, a large social hall, large lake, plenty of row boats, athletic fields, and a book shop which is run directly by the Communist Party. Camp Unity, and this goes for most of the Party camps, usually was recommended by Communist Party members. They would approach you and say, “You should go to Camp Unity. It is a fine place.” When you get there it is hard to keep away from political indoctrination.

When I was at Camp Unity I managed the book shop. We sold literature put out by International Publishers, and New Century Publishers, official publishers for the Communist Party. We sold the newspaper called “For a Lasting Peace; For a People's Democracy,” an official publication of the Comintern. We sold “New Times” published by the foreign office in Moscow. We sold publications of the British and the French Communist Parties. The book shop had all this literature for the indoctrination of recruits who were not Communists. The staff members who were Communists, and guests who were well-known members of the Party, all had assignments. They were to contact and work on as many non-Communists as possible and channel their activities to me in the book shop. Here they would be introduced to me and I would suggest certain readings. If a person had some Marxist education and a background more comprehensive, we would suggest reading the classics of Marxism, such as “Capital” or “Wage, Labor and Capital,” some of the higher theoretical publications. In the case of persons who never had had any contact with the Party, we would suggest he read such basic pamphlets like “What' is Socialism” and some of the William Z. Foster books and pamphlets.

I might add that this is the procedure followed in all Communist Party camps. I think they have some 25 summer camps throughout the United States, in New York, Pennsylvania, etc.

Besides the selling of literature, the activities of the camp would start about 8 a.m. when the loudspeaker, heard all over camp, would announce the serving of breakfast. As they walked into the dining hall to get their breakfast, I would stand in front of the hall with a copy of the Daily Worker. Most people want to read a morning newspaper and the only one you could read there was the Daily Worker. We did have five or six copies of the New York Times but they were assigned to members only, for the purpose of selecting material to be used in lectures.

When you wanted to go swimming there was no lifeguard on duty. If you wanted to go rowing all the boats were locked up. If you wanted to play ball or tennis, the equipment was locked up. The tennis court was fenced and there was a lock on the gate. You had only one choice. That was to sit on the lawn and listen to the lecture or go back to your bunk or bungalow. If you did that, you would hear the lecture anyhow as it was broadcast by the loudspeaker. The lecturers included many who were Communists and represented certain Communist-front groups. They dealt on subjects relating to Communist activities such as the defeat of Universal Military Training, Soviet-American friendship, Smash the Indictment of the Party Leaders, etc. For the lectures, we used study outlines put out by the National Education Committee of the Communist Party. These outlines were not for the general public. They were used for Communist Party organizers and functionaries in the educational program.

Here is one which should be of primary interest.

It was to the Communists in the State of Ohio. It is called “Study Course on the Communist Party, the Working Class and Industrial Concentration,” and was issued by the National Education Committee after the 1948 convention of the Communist Party where they set up the policy of industrial concentration in basic industries. I know it was distributed throughout the State of Ohio for use as a guide to action in basic industries.

Q. Will you outline who some of the speakers were, without going into the background of any one individual?

A. I recall one speaker was Phil Frankfeld and his wife, Jean, who later became organizers for the Communist Party in the State of Ohio. I believe they appeared before this Commission. He and his wife both lectured at Camp Unity in the name of the Communist Party. That was in the period in preparation of his move from the Baltimore-Washington District into Ohio. Another was Abner Berry, an employee of the Daily Worker. He was in Ohio in 1951 where he attended the convention of the National Negro Labor Council. That was held in Cincinnati at the former headquarters of the Cincinnati Communist Party. Another speaker was Reverend Richard Morford who is currently touring the State of Ohio for the National Council on American Soviet Friendship.

Q. For the record, in connection with the Reverend Morford, let me quote from the Daily Worker for February 7, 1952, which states in an article on Page 5: “Reverend Morford to Start Tour for Peace. Richard Morford, Executive Director of the National Council of American Soviet Friendship is embarking shortly on a field tour for peace including at least 27 cities, The American Peace Crusade announced yesterday. A tentative schedule begins in Louisville, February 11 and 12, includes Cincinnati, Dayton, Yellow Springs, Columbus, Canton, Youngstown, Akron, Toledo and Cleveland, Ohio; Detroit, Fort Wayne, South Bend, Madison, Milwaukee, DesMoines, Omaha, Kansas City, St. Louis, and Indianapolis.”

I should also like to refer to an article which appeared in the Dayton Daily News under dateline of Yellow Springs, February 21: “Red-tinged Talk was sponsored by Ex-Oak Ridge Aide. A scientist who once worked at the top secret atomic plant at Oak Ridge, now a physical science professor at Antioch College today defended his action in bringing a Communist-tinged speaker here last week. The scientist is Dr. Oliver Loud, long a controversial figure. He sponsored the talk by Dr. Richard Morford, member of the American Council of American Soviet Friendship. Morford’s council has been listed a subversive group by the Attorney General’s office in Washington. Following the talk, an Antioch faculty member charged he left out vital facts and said, ‘I am forced to conclude that you are incapable of telling the truth.’ Dr. Loud listed two reasons for sponsoring the speech. One: free speech, and that he was already in Ohio. He was on a tour. Morford also spoke in Louisville, Columbus, Cleveland, Akron and other cities. Loud said he first met Morford when he spoke two years ago. Officials describe his talk as a canned variety, meaning that he gives the same general speech at all his talks.”

Q. Now, referring to this particular Dr. Morford, have you had personal contact with him?

A. As I stated, he was one of the lecturers at Camp Unity in 1949. At that time he represented the National Council on American Soviet Friendship. He had been convicted of contempt before the House Un-American Activities Committee in Washington for his refusal to answer certain questions. In my capacity as literature director, where I was a full-time employee of the literature department, I had to be in a position to know whether certain people were members of the Communist Party before they lectured. I could not and was told not to disseminate certain literature if the person was a non-Communist, because we did not want to offend those people. I was told by one of the New York State Executive Committee that Reverend Richard Morford was a member of the Communist Party. That person was the State Literature Director, Mr. Ben Bordofsky. Reverend Morford was identified to me as a member of the Communist Party.

MR. ISAACS: Before we 1eave this subject, may I also add for the record that an official of Antioch College at Yellow Springs, Ohio, on whose campus this talk was given, has informed me that Reverend Morford’s talk was uniformly ill-received. Some students were politely hostile and others openly hostile. I feel in fairness to Antioch College that certainly should he made a matter of record.

Q. Mr. Matusow, we discussed the use of folk and square dancing to attract youth into the Communist Party and Communist Party organizations. Are there any additional observations that you have on that subject before we proceed to a new topic?

A. One is transcribed notes taken from two records put out by Hootenanny Records. I might add that Hootenanny Records was a record concern set up by People’s Artists which was the same group that sponsored the Paul Robeson concert in Peekskill, New York. The singers on these records are the Weavers who we spoke of before as being members of the Communist Party. People’s Artists was the group that took the place of People’s Songs when People’s Songs declared bankruptcy to get out of payment of some $300 of debts. They set up a group of the same singers, the same leaders.

One of these songs is called “Banks of Marble.” The last line goes, “And the vaults are stuffed with silver that we sweated for. The banks are made of marble with a guard at every door. We will own those banks of marble with a guard at every door and we will share the vaults of silver that the people sweated for.” The other one was written by Lee Hays, a member of the Weavers, and Pete Seeger, al so a member of the Weavers. This one was more in protest of committees such as this than anything else. It talks about a guy with a hammer and he goes on to tell why he is singing, “—to smash the indictment against the Party leaders, and witch hunts.” I was working for People’s Artists when that song was recorded.

Q. What other use has the Communist Party made of these folk songs as far as influencing other non-Communist organizations?

A. Here is a song book called, “Sing Along the Way,” which was put ou t by the Women’s Press at 600 Lexington Avenue. The Women’s Press is not a Communist-front group. The song book is stamped as coming from the YWCA, Columbus 10, Ohio.

Q. Which songs in the YWCA song book are those which you recognize as put out, popularized, or published by the Communist organizations with which you were affiliated?

A. There is one called “Chee Lai” which is the song of Communist ChinA. It was written during the days of the Chinese Eighth Route Army, before Pearl Harbor. They have since taken over control of ChinA. This is their marching song, Chee Lai, first recorded, I believe, by Paul Robeson. Here is another song called, “Whirl wind of Danger” and can be found in this other book put out by People’s Songs. They are copyrighted, “Permission of Workers Library.” Another one by Earl Robinson and Alfred House—Robinson I identified as a Communist Party member. The song is called, “Abraham Lincoln.” They claim that Lincoln was a Communist. Another song here is called “Joe Hill.” We mentioned that one before. It is also found in the People’s Songs word book. “Joe Hill” was written by Earl Robinson. Here is “Solidarity Forever,” sung to the tune of the “Battle Hymn of the Republic” written by Communists and sung on the picket line. Another one is “We Shall Not Be Moved.” That is a song that we sang.—I say “we” because I was there, at the Peekskill riot in 1949. As we stood on the line and trouble started, 10,000 people started singing, “We Shall Not Be Moved” and we weren't.

Here is another one, “No More Mourning.” It is by courtesy of the Southern Tenant Farmers Union. The Southern Tenant Farmers Union is the organization which Don West works for and organizes for. It is a Communist-front in the south where they attempt to organize poverty-stricken farmers, Negro and white, where they find any weakness.

Q. What is the purpose and effect of these songs in a YWCA song book?

A. The purpose is to, where possible, put the songs of political agitation in with legitimate songs, a matter of cover up so that some people will learn them. If you happen to read this song book and walk down the street and hear someone singing those songs, your association is to say, “It is the YWCA and not a Communist-front.” The song must be legitimate and the people singing it must be legitimate. I would also like to note that here in this book, the song with the smallest type and given the least space, and crowded where you can’t read it, is the “Star Spangled Banner.” It is practically buried back there, and you need a magnifying glass to read the words.

Q. Was it the policy of People’s Songs, when you were associated with them, to attempt to get these songs into respectable song books and into non-Communist organizations?

A. That is right. Beside that, we al so made a very strong effort—and were successful in many ways—to see that the People’s Song Bulletin, their monthly publication, was sent to college libraries, YWCA’s, YMCA’s, and put in their libraries and used, because in the bulletins they had legitimate folk songs as well as political agitation and indoctrination songs.

Q. Leaving the songs and moving to the question of Communist Party camps, you mentioned the presence of Communist Party camps in other states. Would you elaborate on that briefly?

A. Well, there is one camp in Ohio called Camp Robin Hood, located at Geneva, Ohio. It is run by the International Workers Order, an organization which is on the Attorney General’s 1ist of subversive organizations. The I.W.O. has run this camp for a number of years. Activities were the same as those described at Camp Unity. Communist literature was sold at these camps. I know the camp was operating 1ast summer, 1951. The camp caters to younger people, people below the age of 15 although adults can and do go there. Again, the indoctrination is still there, party literature, music and songs geared to young people.

Q. Is Camp Robin Hood also made available to other youth groups for meetings and for week-ends?

A. Yes, the I.W.O., National Youth Leadership School is conducted at Camp Robin Hood, or had been. Once a year they get together and have their training course for youth organizers.

Q. Now, at about this period of time, did your thinking towards the Communist Party undergo any particular change?

A. Yes, very much so. The Communist Party, as I found out after having been in for a short while, is not sincere in their approach and the line they put forward. They claim to be fighting the cause of the Negro people, but yet at the Communist Party leadership school in South Carolina in 1949, they held classes for Negro and white separately. The reason was that if a Negro attened the same class as a white person, he would be inhibited. I have run into many other instances. When the Cominform criticized Tito and Yugoslavia as opposed to the Soviet Union, the Communist Party line changed immediately. We had a lecturer at the camp who had just gotten back from Yugoslavia who lauded Tito and said he was the greatest leader since Stalin. The very next day the Cominform expelled Tito and the very same lecturer cursed him, called him a traitor and an enemy of the people. I couldn’t see how a man’s life could change in a matter of 24 hours. The lecturer had not been back to Yugoslavia or spoken to Tito, he had only a copy of the Daily Worker and on the basis of that his line changed.

It was then I started to think about it. Shortly after I dialed the F.B.I. number and told them I was willing to cooperate with them, and to give them any information I might have or get in the future, which I did. I remained in the Party doing work for the F.B.I. until my expulsion from the Party in 1951.

Q. Now, some interest has been expressed in how you happened to leave the Communist Party. What were the circumstances surrounding your actual leaving the Communist Party?

A. Well, in 1949, the Daily and Sunday Worker had a subscription drive in New York. They stated that the person who sold the most subscriptions to the papers would receive a trip to Puerto Rico, paid for by the Communist Party. I got busy and in eight weeks sold 326 subscriptions to the Worker. I found out that nobody sold that many in a short period. When I was expelled in 1951 they said, “You couldn't possibly have sold all those subscriptions. You must have been paid by the Government to buy the subscriptions in other people's names.” They also thought I had been too active during the time, and that I was an agent of the Office of Strategic Service, the O.S.S. I wasn’t and told them I wasn’t. They never accused me at that time of having contacted the F.B.I., although they have since done so.

Q. On this great amount of activity that you had in the Party, did that entail, aside from Party activities, belonging to a great many Communist-front or Communist organizations?

A. Yes it did. It did mainly among youth groups.

The AYD that we mentioned before, and the Young Progressives of America which had been founded in July of 1948, at Philadelphia, right after the Progressive Party convention. Previously it had been known as the “Youth for Wallace.” The Party now needed a large, broad front-group, one that could capture the imagination of many young people and still not be dubbed a Communist organization.

Let me read something here from a pamphlet called “Youth” that was put out by the National Youth Commission, Communist Party, 35 East 12th Street, New York. This was the basic outline for organization of youth in 1948, and it is still being used. I read from Page 16, Chapter 5:

“The American Youth for Democracy. Ever since the end of the war, AYD has been the only independent organization of youth that has carried on a militant fight for the needs of youth, fighting against the reactionary drive of American Imperialism. A principle fight has been fought consistently in AYD for the rights of Communist-non-Communists unity. It was only the AYD that carried forward the entire militant tradition of the youth movement in the fight for Negro-white unity, and against discrimination, for the understanding of the role of the labor movement as youth’s best friend, and for international youth cooperation for peace. But, American Youth for Democracy has not been able to grow into the all-inclusive, anti-Fascist, anti-imperialist youth support, and because of the absence of an anti-imperialist front in this country as a whole up to 1947, the AYD was not able to be part of a large movement in the country as a whole. And AYD has not been able to be the organization of the most advanced youth because of the absence of a Marxist-Leninist program.”

That showed why the Communist Party was ready to disband and dissolve the AYD.

Q. Purely as a matter of historical significance, will you state the development from the Young Communist League into the American Youth for Democracy?

A. At their 1943 convention, the Young Communist League voted to dissolve. But, before that dissolution, the Communist leadership had already decided to form the American Youth for Democracy. They felt that by taking the name "Communist" out of their organizational name they could attract more people. They felt that if we started a broad youth movement under a fine name with some big names as sponsors, and cooperate with the Soviet Union who are our allies, we could get many people to join the AYD who would not normally join the Young Communist League. They could eventually be recruited into the Communist Party. Then, in 1948, they realized this plan could no longer work as a non-Communist organization. They must dissolve the AYD, form a new party with the principles based on Marxism and Leninism, and set up the new organization which was the YPA. I heard about this at the Communist Party national convention in New York in 1948. As a member of the Communist Party at that time, and on the instructions of the Communist Party, I joined the YPA.

Q. Now, not every member of the YPA was a member of the Communist Party, is that correct?

A. That is right.

Q. Is that not true, however, that you found membership in the YPA an easy stepping stone to membership in the Communist Party?

A. Correct again.

Q. Does the YPA have any particular activity on college campuses throughout the State of Ohio?

A. We know of one chapter on the campus at Antioch College in Yellow Springs. I believe that Antioch College has the largest single YPA chapter in the State of Ohio.

Q. What other colleges have YPA activity on campus?

A. Western Reserve College up in Cleveland has YPA activity. I believe that the YPA has now changed to the Jefferson Forum. The YPA sponsored some Jefferson Forums and later changed its name to Jefferson Forum.

MR. ISAACS. Inasmuch as you have mentioned the activity on the campus at Antioch College, let me offer for the record the statement that the officials of Antioch College, particularly Vice President W. B. Alexander; Barrett Hollister, Associate to the President; and President Douglas McGregor of Antioch have been most cooperative in making available to us information concerning activities on the Antioch campus.

For that reason, I would like to read into the record a letter from Mr. Hollister. This was in response to an inquiry concerning the Young Progressives of America, the YPA.

“We do have a chapter of the Young Progressives of America on the Antioch campus. As you probably know, our study-plus-work program with all students spending alternate periods away from campus on jobs results in our having, essentially two student bodies…

“This YPA unit has existed at Antioch since the Wallace campaign of 1948. Its activities seem to have been those of discussion meetings to which the general college community has been invited. The extent of participation evidently has varied widely at different periods. For example, this year in one division there seems to be eight to ten active members and in the other about 40.

“As a matter of educational policy, we seek to have a wide variety of official and unofficial activity programs on the campus. There are probably thirty to forty organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union, a Newman Club, the YPA, a student affiliate of the American Chemical Society. Most of the units are local campus ones, such as a religion committee, a volunteer fire department, a creative arts workshop. The existence of each unit and the names of its current officers are registered with our campus community government and all organizations are open. The general tradition is that of students ‘sampling’ rather widely by attending one or more sessions of quite a range of the activity groups.”

There has also been made available to us a copy of “Commentary” issued for February 4, 1952, which is the YPA publication on the Antioch campus.

When I praised the excellent cooperation that we have been getting from the officials of Antioch College, I didn’t want to, by means of exclusion, give the impression that we were not getting cooperation from other universities such as Western Reserve, Ohio State University, and the University of Cincinnati. Various other colleges and universities have all been excellent.

Q. Before we pass to any other organizations, Mr. Matusow, do you have any further comment or observation to make concerning the YPA?

A. Yes, I want to make it clear so as to eliminate any doubt in anyone’s mind as to the control of the YPA by the Communist Party. In 1948, and early 1949, as I stated, I was a member of the Communist Party in New York County. On one occasion I was called to the New York County headquarters of the Communist Party. Here a meeting was held between the county youth organizer, a man named Ernie Parent, and a Miss Irene Wheeler who, at that time, was on the state executive committee of the YPA in New York and a member of the National Executive Committee of YPA.

When I entered this meeting I was told a decision had been reached that I would work for the YPA on a specific function. That was to set up a youth night club to tie in with my People’s Songs work. That I was to become a member of the New York State executive committee, and the decision was presented by the Communist Party and not by the YPA. There would be no trouble in seeing me on the executive committee of the YPA. I knew the state leaders, and the national leaders of YPA to be, in a great majority, members of the Communist Party, receiving instructions from the Communist Party as to activities in YPA. There was no doubt about any of the activities. I will not state, though, that all members of YPA were members of the Communist Party, nor were their leaders, but the majority were.

Q. Now, what is the method by which the Communist Party exercises control over the Young Progressives of America?

A. The leaders of the Young Progressives of America are members of the Communist Party, and they receive their instructions from the Communist Party.

MR. ROBINSON. Do you have any personal knowledge of the YPA organization which is at Yellow Springs, or Antioch College.

A. Other than what we have from the college itself, we have no further information.

Q. You have made no other investigation?

A. There has been no investigation of Antioch College.

MR. ISAACS. Do you characterize the Labor Youth League, as you would the Young Progressives of America, as a Communist-front organization, or does it bear a different relation to the Communist Party?

A. It bears a different relation in that it is the youth arm of the Communist Party. It has no pretense of not being a Communist organization other than that it is not called the Young Communist League but, rather, a Labor Youth League. During the 1948 national convention of the Communist Party, a report was given by Betty Gannett and Leon Wofsy in which they talked about getting back to the traditions of the YCL, and they pointed out how the Young Communist League had been instrumental in bringing the message of the Communist Party to the trade union movement in the 1930’s, all of which had been lost in the 1940’s. Young people must get back into basic industries. It was stated that Ohio was the only place in the United States in 1948 where the Communist Party had grown. It pinpointed Ohio as the principal industrial state for major concentration. It also mentioned Illinois and Pennsylvania, but it highlighted the State of Ohio for concentration among industrial youth in Party concentration, because Ohio was where the Party had grown.

First, the Communist Party youth clubs were instructed that on Memorial Day week-end in 1949, an organizing conference for a Labor Youth League would be held in Chicago. It was called the Organizing Committee for a Labor Youth League. At this conference they would set up a new Marxist youth organization. It did not receive an official name until after the conference when they decided to call it the “Labor Youth League.” The reason for that decision was that they did not want the name “Communist” in the organization. They felt that by calling it a Labor Youth League they would have a better chance to recruit young people.

(Reading) “This decision to advance the education of American Youth in the spirit of Socialism is itself a challenge to Fascist reaction whose political heresy frameup is an attempt to outlaw all democratic thought. Working class principles and the Marxist social science of mankind’s liberation will live and flower in this young generation of Americans who educate themselves for the future, confident that the future will be theirs.”

Q. Do you have any information about the formation of the Labor Youth League in the State of Ohio?

A. Yes. As I stated before, Vince Pieri came to Ohio just recently to implement the program that was set up in 1949. He was to help carry it further because of the concentration on industry in Ohio. Vince Pieri was national co-chairman of AYD. He also became the New York labor secretary for the Labor Youth League. He was very much responsible for the organization of Labor Youth League chapters in various industries within New York City. Vince Pieri came to Ohio because he is top organizer. He has been active in industry and industrial youth. His main concentration and job is organizing LYL chapters in various basic industries—steel, coal, rubber, auto, and any other industry which might be found in the state. The Communist Party would not send Vince Pieri into Ohio unless they thought he could do the job.

In June, July and August of 1949, every member of the Communist Party who served in a youth capacity joined the Labor Youth League. They were the first to join. They were the nucleus. They went out and attempted to recruit people on the basis of Marxism and Leninism. I will state also that the Communist Party, nationally and every state organization, did give financial aid to the Labor Youth League at its inception. For instance, the national office of the Communist Party gave us $500 for literature, or literature credit, to purchase literature from the Communist Party. We used that credit.

MR. ISAACS. Let me read from the Daily Worker of August 7, 1949, “New Ohio Youth Group Formed.” The dateline is Cleveland, Ohio.

“A new organization for the youth of Ohio designed to work with all other progressive youth groups seeking opportunity for creative work, education and happiness, has come into being with the formation of chapters of the Labor Youth League. Developing out of a nation-wide conference in Chicago, the Labor Youth League bases its program on the proposition that the needs and aspirations of youth are bound up inseparably with the immediate and fundamental interests of the working class. Consequently, the Ohio LYL stimulates interest in the study of Marxism, and educates youth in the principles of scientific socialism. One of the keystones of the LYL program is the promotion of the unity of Negro and white youth for the full realization of democracy. More and more young men in the industrial centers of Ohio are asking why it is that they are confronted with a rising tide of militarism, joblessness and the denial of democratic rights.

“What’s wrong? What’s happening in Ohio? Only a few years back at the end of World War II, the hopes of our young people were at their brightest. Here, at last, was peace. Here was a chance for security in a country unravaged by war. Here was the prospect of expanding democracy on the wings of victory won over the racists and the fascists. But our hopes have been blasted. The doors of Ohio industries are closing to the youth. The professional field is being limited. On the lists of the unemployed we find that approximately a quarter of those who cannot find work are veteran s. The Negro youth hears the boasts of our government abroad about the American way of life and bitterly seeks to find this paradise in Ohio. The answer from Washington has been to refuse to renew 52-20 unemployment benefits at the very time when these payments are most needed.

“Young people are graduating from educational institutions throughout the state, but the diplomas become meaningless in the face of the mounting depression. There is only one opportunity held out by the government and the corporations—the opportunity to follow the path of Hitler youth by becoming a part of the vast military machine being readied for another world war. But the young people of Ohio do not want war. They want the right to decent jobs, the right to raise families and contribute to the well-being of Ohio by leading normal, fruitful lives. This is refused them by a bankrupt system. Additional information regarding the Labor Youth League may be obtained by writing Post Office Box 5961, Cleveland, Ohio.”

Q. You have testified concerning the policy of concentrating in areas of basic industry. Is that policy reflected in the areas in Ohio where the Labor Youth League is active?

A. It does. Joseph Bucholt, the New York State organizer for the Labor Youth League and a member of the national committee, toured the State of Ohio in September and October of 1951. Various Labor Youth Leagues in Akron, Cleveland, Toledo, Youngstown, and Cincinnati were visited by him. He might have been elsewhere but those are the cities I know he visited. All of those cities are industrial centers. Not primarily farming, but where the industrial concentration is, is where you will find the LYL.

Q. In which of those cities is LYL centered?

A. Cleveland is the largest center of all Labor Youth League activities. There is a chapter of the LYL in the Akron area, another in Toledo, another in Youngstown, and one in Cincinnati.

Q. Is it possible for anyone who is active in the affairs of the Labor Youth League not to be aware of the Communist character of that organization?

A. No, it is not possible. You must recognize the Communist Party affiliations. It is open and above board. They don't hide that fact.

MR. ISAACS. In connection with the activities of the Labor Youth League on campuses in Ohio, Mr. Chairman, may I state that on behalf of the Commission I addressed a letter to the presidents of the various colleges in the State of Ohio asking them if there existed on their campuses a chapter of the Labor Youth League.

To those letters we have received replies which state that there are no recognized chapters of the LYL on Ohio campuses. However, one letter which we received from the president of Defiance College, in Defiance, Ohio, because of its succinctness, I think, is well worthy of mention. I would like to read that letter.

“Dear MR. ISAACS. There has not been, is not, and will not be a chapter of the Labor Youth League on Defiance College campus. Sincerely, Ruth McCann, for the president.”

In that single sentence, I think is summed up the attitude of the various college presidents with whom we have corresponded on this subject.

MR. DEVINE. Mr. Matusow, do you have any means of knowing the number of the membership of the LYL in Ohio, approximately?

A. The last figure I received was for 1950, and I would say it ran between 250 and 350.

What McGregor did not know at the time of his statements made to the Ohio HUAC was that Matusow had already provided damning (and false) evidence of Communist activity within the Antioch College student body to the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security, also known as the McCarran Committee. Though conducted in March, 1952, these proceedings would not be released to the public until August, which prompted not only a strong rebuttal from the College president, but would be the beginning of the end of Matusow’s time in the sun: in 1954 he recanted nearly everything he said under oath, and served nearly four years in prison for his perjuries.




Washington DC


Mr. CONNORS. Would you have any idea of what [YPA’s] present membership would be?

Mr. MATUSOW. There again, I have not had contact with them. For instance, in Dayton, Ohio, in 1948, a YPA club was organized in high schools in Dayton. It had a membership of a few hundred. That organization has disintegrated; that is, the activities have stopped in Dayton. That is the only Ohio city where they have ceased, but the people who were active in YPA in that period are still supporting the Communist Party line, as we have found out in Ohio.


Mr. MATUSOW. I would like to cite the example of Antioch College, at Yellow Springs, Ohio, where at present 6 percent of the student body are actual card-carrying members of the YPA organization.

Mr. CONNORS. At the present time?

Mr. MATUSOW. Six percent of the student body of 1,200.


Mr. MATUSOW. Conservative estimates of the influence of YPA on the rest of the student body, and that is on the basis of certain investigations that were conducted down there, were that almost 40 percent of the student body or about 500 students at that school, support all the activities and the line, as the YPA hands it down, and as the Communist Party on that campus hands it down through the YPA.

Mr. CONNORS. Mr. Matusow, have you knowledge of any Communist Party activities in Yellow Springs, Ohio?

Mr. MATUSOW. Yes. Two weeks ago, Rev. Richard Morford, whom I have identified previously before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, as a member of the Communist Party, and will do so now, spoke at Antioch College.

Also in the Yellow Springs Community are a number of people who have known membership in the Communist Party, and they are still quite active.

A person who has been identified previously as a Communist Party member, Professor Stuirk, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, who is now on trial in the State of Massachusetts, sent his daughter, Gwen Stuirk, who has been previously identified as a YPA member, and I have information which leads me to believe she is also a member of the Communist Party and Labor Youth League, to Yellow Springs.

Mr. CONNORS. Mr. Matusow, is Richard Morford currently the executive director of the National Council on American-Soviet Friendship?

Mr. MATUSOW. Yes, he is.

Mr. CONNORS. And that office is in New York City; is that correct?

Mr. MATUSOW. Correct.

Mr. CONNORS. Will you continue, please?

Mr. MATUSOW. I would like to introduce here a book called People’s Song Word Book put by People’s Songs, Inc., at the time, at 235 East Eleventh Street, New York, with a foreword by Earl Robinson, Waldemar Hille, and Peter Seeger; and with a number of songs that were used on picket lines, that I know to have been used at the students’ strike at City College in 1948 and 1949 to help recruit and indoctrinate young people.

I would like to submit this Song Word Book for the committee.

Mr. CONNORS. It will be accepted.

(The document referred to was marked “Exhibit No. 13,” and filed for the record.)

Mr. MATUSOW. I would also like to bring in here a publication Challenge, the predecessor to New Challenge that we have mentioned before. This is volume 1, No. 1. In it there is a photograph of a housing project in Puerto Rico, a photograph which I took when I was in Puerto Rico.

Mr. CONNORS. That is a trip you made down there?

Mr. MATUSOW. Yes; in 1949. I would like to submit that to the committee.

Mr. CONNORS. It will be accepted.

(The document referred to was marked “Exhibit No. 14” and filed for the record.)

Mr. MATUSOW. And I would like to submit the publication that Challenge was named for, and I was in on the meetings where they discussed the reason for naming the publication Challenge.

The reasons were that the British Young Communist League publication was called Challenge, and they should set up fraternal relations with the British League, and the League's publication would be called Challenge, because of the “historic and militant traditions.”

Mr. CONNORS. Was Sidney Kramer at that meeting?

Mr. MATUSOW. Yes, he was. I would like to submit a copy of the British Young Communist publication Challenge.

Mr. CONNORS. It will be accepted.

(The document referred to was marked “Exhibit No. 15” and filed for the record.)

Mr. MATUSOW. I have here a document called Building the Labor Youth League, a guide for club membership directors, issued by the membership department, New York State Organizing Committee for a Labor Youth League, 799 Broadway.

Mr. CONNORS. Now, was that a restricted document, so to speak? I mean to say, was it available only to those individuals who were active in organizing the Labor Youth League?

Mr. MATUSOW. That is correct. I would like to submit the document in its entirety.

Mr. CONNORS. It will be accepted.

(The document referred to was accepted and is as follows:)